Sunday, July 10, 2011
Failing Parallel Systems: Serbia Can't Afford Kosovo
For many years, these Serbs were under the patronage of Belgrade, collecting checks. That said, there were other checks from other internationals, and from Kosovo. Lets just say, there was money from different people at different times.
This kind of apathy and stagnation trickled down to the kids in the population, as described by my friend from Belgrade working there with the international community (excuse the vagueness, I just don't want to "expose" him). When the system was such that you could collect a check, very few youngsters made an effort to take advantage of opportunities within Kosovo or beyond.
This same friend mentioned before, working with Serbian IDPs in an enclave here, then told me something crazy. He could not get into his office because of very large protests of Serbians. He inquired into what was happening.
Belgrade had cut funding. They could not afford to pay for the six security guards at the post office in this parallel system. With economic troubles, it just was unfeasible to keep the remnants of this protest against Kosovo alive. At a certain point dollars speak louder than nationalism.
To boot, no one really reported this on the news; neither in Kosovo, nor Serbia, nor the English sources. Naturally, there is a strategic interest to not report this. Serbia doesn't want to seem like it is giving up on Kosovo and Kosovo often times doesn't want to admit this parallel system.
Naturally, all of this information is from word of mouth and from spending time with Serbian IDPs in this country. However, this is a critical sign at a critical moment in Kosovo. Serbia can't afford Kosovo anymore. There are bigger fish (like EU membership) to fry. With money leaving from many of the serial donors of days past, Kosovo could be facing a lot of civil unrest from the youth and now, even from the old who received those checks. Time is ticking in Kosovo.
Saturday, July 9, 2011
Congrats South Sudan: Reflections from Kosovo, the 2nd Youngest
Today, at a constitutional law conference designed in part by USAID to consult on amending the articles of the constitution dealing presidential elections, revamping the presidency (possibly making changes from vote by parliament to direct vote), and rethinking presidential powers. Considering 2/3 presidents in Kosovo have violated the constitution, serious problems exist in both the constitutional court and very possibly the constitution itself. Anyways, one person with a kind of melancholy announced, "KOSOVO IS NO LONGER THE YOUNGEST COUNTRY IN THE WORLD."
The room was quiet for a moment. Suddenly constitutional reform was not as much an adventure of a new nation, but a task and duty that had to be readjusted because of failure. Naturally Kosovo is still new born, but the branding of "THE YOUNGEST" is not there. There was a lot of work to do, a lot of laws to change, a lot of rewriting of constitutions, a lot of corruption to kick, and a lot of mandates to meet.
Reflecting on all of these things, I realize that the term "STATE-BUILDING" is perhaps more of a vogue thing in Political Science terms; it sounds nice and when you look from afar, it certainly does seem like "building" a state. It was very attractive for a while until I think many realized, on the ground and not from afar (with the challenges--sometimes failures--in Kosovo, Iraq, Afghanistan, Bosnia, etc.) that you don't go in and "BUILD" anything. I argue the better term is "TRANSITIONING" not so much building. "STATE-BUILDING" seems vain, imperialistic even as a term. Frustrating at times. Perhaps some think it is like building a country in Sid Meiers Civilization. The thought is that "THE PEOPLE" will build this government and state, when in reality power remains in the hands of very few, if not completely foreign individuals. "Building" is one thing. "Getting by" seems more like it. Even just not falling backwards, but moving forwards. With failed missions like the ICO in Kosovo (recently insinuated by many journalists and newspapers as a failed mission), there are a lot of haunting and frustrating things ahead in the future for young states coming out of serious conflict zones.
Thursday, July 7, 2011
Liminality: Kosovo in Stages
A dear friend of mine once describe me as a liminal person: always between one belief, place, status, identity or another one. I would say this may be true, but less because of liminality and more because of my own personal interest in both sides of the same coin.
Perhaps this is what draws me to Kosovo, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, Palestine, Nagorno-Karabagh and many other places that have a liminal status.
The fascinating thing about Kosovo is that I have seen it develop and change in three years now. Someone has joked to me that Kosovo is kind of like Hotel California. You can check in any time you like, but you just can't leave. You can stab it with your steely knives but you just can't kill the beast. Its a kind of place that endlessly has something to change, develop or grow. Because of the general openness of the population here, most things like national politics, information, gossip, networks, and news are in your grasp. Learning about how development, change, transitioning, and growth (or decline) after a high profile war is all at your finger tips here and there is a temptation to continue to watch where it goes.
In any case, I have seen Kosovo on the threshold of many different stages each year. When I first arrived in 2009 for only 4 short days in Kosovo, NATO (KFOR, the Kosovo NATO mission) was just beginning to pull out its street patrols in the capital. I could still see Italian troops in the street, guarding Mother Theresa street. Kosovars, still high from independence were very optimistic; I was, after all, at a youth entrepreneurial conference. Many internationals were very obviously still here. The following year, the first day I touched down in 2010 there was a some several thousand Muslims protesting for the right to wear hijab in school. A stray away from the farm? NATO still patrolled parts like Mitrovica and I witnessed IDPs that still did not have homes. KFOR billboards lined the streets and so did Tony Blair's face!
This year, I had to search for NATO cars and the billboards were not as obvious. Barbed wire still abound, but rusting everywhere, the first thing I see are Muslim protests in the street for the right to mosques. Major mergers in parties had occurred between a very pro-economic reform group and a seemingly anti-internationalist, near anarchist group (that had not been a political party until recently). One politician, recently charged with war crimes, had his party pay for billboards showing their support for him and denouncing any allegation of violent crime. Somehow, things were on a different stage entirely. People were restless. There were recent protests against government corruption as well. That said, the IDPs I had visited, now had houses. Something had developed and grown, though the main street (Mother Theresa) still had not been completed and was the same as it was last year. Kosovo seems to be a place that always changes but always stays the same.
Perhaps there is a constant state of limbo in Kosovo that is of interest to a scholar or journalist. The general openness of all the people here allows you to get a glimpse into everything from pop culture, corruption, islamic fundamentalism, politics, education, and the military. Though now 12 years after the war, Kosovo has a long way to go, but with every year, takes a step towards a new "inbetween." I am fascinated to see its direction and its development and have been honored to watch it.
Tuesday, August 3, 2010
Belgrade and the Theater of Necessity
good theater-maker or thinker would produce work that is "important," "relevant," "vital," and "necessary." I do believe that this compulsive drive toward accomplishment is poison for the thinker and theater-maker. It makes the shows and the papers more boring than a pissing contest. The question is, what can take the place of that drive? If we are not guided in our thought and in our theater-making by love of praise, what are we guided by?" -Rachel P.
Saturday, July 31, 2010
The Entrepreneurial Scene in Kosovo
Sunday, July 25, 2010
ICJ Decision: Thoughts
56. … The Court is not required by the question it has been asked to take a position on whether international law conferred a positive entitlement on Kosovo unilaterally to declare its independence or, a fortiori, on whether international law generally confers an entitlement on entities situated within a State unilaterally to break away from it. Indeed, it is entirely possible for a particular act ⎯ such as a unilateral declaration of independence ⎯ not to be in violation of international law without necessarily constituting the exercise of a right conferred by it. The Court has been asked for an opinion on the first point, not the second.
So, essentially, this was a question on a declaration, not on the rights assumed to be exercised under it.
Yet still, the BBC, Al-Jazeera and other news stations immediately slate the event as Kosovo's Independence is a legal matter itself.
Some concerns:
I wonder now, if other nations will use this as a prompt to actually declare independence, under the assumption of having a legal precedent, when in fact, the legitimacy of their statuses could be rather flawed. Meaning to say, if the declaration is legal and they take it as an exercise of the declaration is legal, what could this mean for the future of their states? To be honest, how feasible is it for the Basque region to declare independence? Did the ICJ open Pandora's box?
Next, Serbia shot itself in the foot if it was expecting a statement on status of Kosovo by asking the wrong question. They, instead, got a Kosovo Favored 10-4 response that Kosovo's declaration was legal. Naturally, asking a question on the status of Kosovo might have been premature, especially when it is such a tenuous topic in Serbia at the moment. If they have voted on the status of Kosovo, and it was favorable, would the country go into serious political discontent? Already, there is an economic system in place that is heading towards what Greece looks like, and they choose to focus on the status of Kosovo, instead of perhaps putting European integration ahead of status...
As one Serb told me upon the declaration, she was happy for Kosovo. Kosovo deserved this, but she wept for her own people. As she said, they keep on concentrating on Kosovo when we are already a poor country. They won't let it die and it is killing our nation and preventing us from joining the EU and perhaps salvaging ourselves. I want to change things in Serbia, but I'm losing a battle. Serbia, even with the ICJ decision still chooses to ignore their statement and pursue this cause of Kosovo when it is not worth it. Its a huge waste of Money. I hope to tell my children someday that I helped change Serbia, but if this hard-liner attitude keeps up, I may just tell them I left Serbia for their sake.
I weep for Serbia, not because they lost this battle, or even for losing Kosovo, but because they won't give Kosovo up and concentrate on other issues that are more in their power to change.
Sunday, July 18, 2010
Internal Conflict: Keeping your head with your heart in Kosovo
Monday, July 12, 2010
Snoop Dog and the Kanun
As females with the almighty Father lead
Succeedin' ta give my peep's just what they need
And it ain't no party like this kind,
Cause you can leave your worries behizzind " ---Snoop Dogg, "The Doggfather"
Da Big Bo$$ Dogg, yeah I had to do that
I keep a blue flag hanging out my backside
But only on the left side, yeah that's the Crip side
Ain't no other way to play the game the way I play
I cut so much you thought I was a DJ" ----Snoop Dog's "Drop it Like Its Hot"